Dear students, Read this: will be a 'Pop Quiz' on Wed. June 8th. Class will be at the same hall: Dewan Kuliah 'K'.....
Part 1
Regional Approach : Theory and Practice
1 Theory
1.1 Environmental Approach
Unlike internationalism, modern regionalism is concerned with regional adaptation. A new generation of professionals has introduced environmental design which primarily considers the physical and social satisfaction of the community living in a given environment. The regionalists believe that the built form of one region must be different from that of another. Climate, geography and culture become the influential factors which control the design.
In Malaysia, this concept receives little attention among architects and urban planners. In the housing industry, the design of the house is an integrated modern concept. The reason for this universalism is the adoption of residential regulations from the developed countries to the north as a standard. Unprecedented heavyweight constructions are adjusted to the tropical environment, relying on technology to provide solutions as long as the design obeys the building codes and regulations. Another type of unprecedented development is a pastiche architecture of post-modern influence.
The concept of universal architecture has so far proved to be compatible with the mass-produced housing needed to cater for the country’s housing shortage. The regional concept, however, has limitations and has been retarded by the demand of the government to build a large number of mass-produced residential units. Only in recent years has technology which is adaptable to regional mass-production been developed to cope with needs.
1.2 Universal concept
Universal design erodes cultural perspectives in every locality. The practice tends to erase traditional culture, destroy past memories, impose unprecedented development, and limit regional needs. Konya said that the problem today is that cultural identity has not evolved from locality and environment, but is concurrently being shaped, universalised and institutionalised by conscious political and economic forces. The adoption of standards has caused architecture to lose ground from its spiritual sensitivity to the place and its tradition.
Frampton stressed that universalism is an international style which generates a limited and vague urban form. The process has eroded regional identity and has replaced it with a universal symbol that does not respect the physical and social background of the region. The model projects a single style which overrules entire cultures and regions - circumscribing an architecture of totalitarianism. This is the paradox, as described by Ricoeur; how to civilise and at the same time sustain our culture. He states:
"The phenomenon of universalisation, while being an advancement of mankind, at the same time constitutes a sort of subtle destruction, not only of traditional cultures, which might not be an irreparable wrong, but what I shall call for the time being the creative nucleus of great cultures, that nucleus on the basis of which we interpret life, what I shall call in advance the ethical and mythical nucleus of mankind. ….. But in order to take part in modern civilisation, it is necessary at the same time to take part in scientific, technical, and political rationality, something which very often requires the pure and simple abandon of a whole cultural past. It is a fact: every culture cannot sustain and absorb the shock of modern civilisation. There is a paradox: how to become modern and return to sources: how to revive an old, dormant civilisation and take part in universal civilisation."
Another critical argument, pinpointed by Abel as the outcome of ‘mass-produced building methods’, depicts the ‘worst effects’ of the place-form factor. This application ignores the regional integrity of architecture; instead all regions are treated the same, leading to the adjustment of the place, exploiting mass-produced standard building form to match ‘standard needs’ in all places disregarding their differences of location, culture, environment, tradition and evolution. Bloch notes:
"The real people in these houses and towns become standardised termites or, within a ‘housing machine’, foreign bodies, still all too organic ones; so remote is all this from real people, from home, contentment, homeland."
1.3 Concept of regionalism
Architecture has its own character, having to do with carrying the expression of its responses to region, culture and time. The past builders designed in conjunction with the regional context. The question arises: why do responses to regional background matter? The best answer might be the one given by D. H. Lawrence:
"Every continent has its own great spirit of place. Everyone is polarised in some particular locality, which is home, the homeland. Different places on the face of the earth have different vital effluence, different vibrations, different chemical exhalation, different polarity with different stars: call it what you like. But the spirit of place is a great reality."
Regionalism is dedicated to the essence of place, being in a certain place with a special culture or tradition, being in one place with an understanding of the needs of that place - a special place with unique characteristics. Environment profoundly affects human development because daily life constantly responds to buildings, landscapes and other elements of the non-human universe as much as it does to social experience. Hegel argues:
"Regionalism creates afresh an environment, like a second external nature, for the spirit, but it draws into its sphere and reshapes the natural landscape itself, treating it architecturally as an environment for buildings, objects as they are naturally and tries to imitate nature in its greatness and freedom."
The attention given to reviving building in a regional context is critical, since there are many indications that have already been attributed to global catastrophes, such as solar radiation, industrial pollution, global warming, the melting of Arctic ice, abnormal increase of ocean level, heat waves and radioactivity. These are present in many countries across the world due to excessive construction, mass production and environmental disaster. Some contemporary architects like Kenneth Frampton, Spyros Amourgis, Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre, have laid emphasis on ‘Critical Regionalism’. This implies an alternative approach towards sustaining the environment in architectural practice. Regional development has centred on the idea of sustainable world society. Price notes:
"People love their homes, their home places, their traditions, their cultures, their families, their friends. In the future, the lovers of all home places must somehow learn to love everyone's home so no part of the world is ‘dross’. With 5.5 billion of us, we have no room for waste anymore."
Critical Regionalism, first introduced by Frampton, is a term which rejects the homogeneous practice of universalism. The concept resists universal iconography; it is a fact that all cultures develop from cross-fertilisation with other cultures, each being in a process of civilisation. In this case, it is important for every region to retain its own identity while experiencing the process of becoming modern and civilised. Yet at the same time, it must reject a universal concept that continuously influences our ‘world culture’ into a single answer. He says:
"Sustaining any kind of authentic culture in the future will depend ultimately on our capacity to generate vital forms of regional culture while appropriating alien influences at the level of both culture and civilisation."
Critical Regionalism is an architecture of resistance to universal concept but not to technology. Its goal is to redefine the identity of a region, meanwhile applying contemporary materials, tools and construction methods based on technological reason. Critical regionalism protects the right of the region to have its own particular quality. The concept of universality defines single identity of a region whereas critical regionalism expresses an architecture of resistance to the sameness of universal technocratic totalitarianism. Critical regionalism liberates an expression of boundary in terms of place and form. It creates a presence of the region, giving character to its topography, context, climate and culture.
Critical regionalism also resists the monopoly of technology as a tool of technocratic greed to maximise production and consumption. This is because its domination in the regional environment leads to the threat of nuclear annihilation, rain forest catastrophe, chemical waste and global warming. In addition, Frampton persisted that critical regionalism is not a type of architecture which is concerned to ‘revive the hypothetical forms of a lost vernacular’. According to Abel:
"Traditional or vernacular culture is a relatively isolated, conservative, and highly integrated cultural type, well-adapted to local climatic and other ecological conditions. Social roles are well defined, usually within hierarchical systems of relations, but may involve multiple skills. Production systems are autonomous and geared to self-sufficiency, with minimal surplus goods for essential trade. Cultural exchange is similarly limited. Relations between built forms and social forms are typically isomorphic and building production is based on well-established types, using local materials, techniques and labour."
Anselevicius refers to the words ‘critical regionalism’ as a movement that confronts universal adoption by international modernists - it rejects the image of a ‘one world’ society. Regionalism applies its sensitivity to the aesthetics of the past: an architectural evolution which is responsive to the historical origin of the community, integrating with their contemporary culture and environment. It enhances the particular context of a region with such features as ‘climate, technology, economics, and lifestyle’ rather than the utilisation of ‘historical surface decoration’. 6.
1.4 Mass products
There is strong reason for the rejection of ‘optimised technology’. Frustration with the failure of mass industrial housing during the early post-war period had impaired the image of architecture even though architects could claim that the model was articulated to variations of form. Scoffham argued:
"These accentuated variations were actually already in existence. ….. Post-war developments in industrialisation have been predominantly a story of the means justifying the end - the end being unacceptable to society for it was not devised with society in mind."
The adoption of industrial construction in early post-war British housing typified factory-made housing. Construction was focused on technicality and invention. Prefabricated techniques in the 1950s became popular for multi-storey and point blocks. The component parts which were prefabricated were large wall-sized reinforced concrete structural walls, floor and staircase units, and pre-cast concrete frames. The ability of the industry to offer components of regular sizes and dimensions indeed helped to speed up housing construction at an economic cost. But prefabrication constricted design and planning to a limited pattern. The system standardised design as a complete ‘design-and-build’ package which promoted uniformity in housing. Scoffham argued:
"Architects, too, fell under the spell that by adopting a system developed and manufactured by others they could spend more time on layout problems and on the next more pressing job. The only result of this abdication of aesthetic and humane responsibilities was user dissatisfaction and a series of monuments to a mistaken easy-way-out that are proving to be an expensive legacy. ….. Industrialisation as a means of achieving national house-building programmes fell into disrepute through a variety of circumstances. The crudeness of detailing and finishes on many schemes led to early deterioration and inevitable complaint; the often appalling outlook from dwellings in system-built schemes provoked tenant unrest, .….. Furthermore, the economics of industrialisation were only to be gained on large schemes which provided sufficient repetition and quantity to make factory production worth while. Schemes inevitably became larger, and consortia to develop a number of small sites with similar solutions became administratively difficult to organise. ….. In this context mass production and standardisation are irrelevant; yet the inspiration given by the process of industrialisation during the 1960s made the connection between housing as a socio-economic problem and the potential of some form of standardisation on components. Flexibility, adaptability, choice and change became the watchwords of a socio-economic approach to housing - the ability to have what one wanted at a price one could afford."
1.5 Batch products
The radical transformation from a manual system to computer control gives flexibility to the design. It is now possible to create a flexible and versatile multi-purpose factory which can produce a variety of building components or batch products as opposed to a single product. Bookchin argues, "The changes required to use these machines in a cybernated industrial facility would generally be in circuitry and programming rather than in machine form and structure." Single-purpose factories are not economic for such production. The machines are likely to be thrown away when the design of the components has changed. In multi-purpose industry, however, a computer monitors all the robotic machines which can manufacture custom-made components suiting a single project at economic cost.
Abel noticed that this transformation provided an opportunity to eco-development in the region, enabling the manufacture of custom-made components which was previously impossible. The system is considered to be economic as batch products are able to pay off the customer’s capital outlay. The Renault Centre is the work of Sir Norman Foster to design based on the innovation of batch products. The Centre was built in 1982 for UK£349.00 per square metre which was a comparatively normal budget. Abel argues:
"Information technology and flexible manufacturing systems played a vital role. ….. The only real mass-production to be seen at Renault is in the spare car parts stored in the cavernous warehouse. ….. The techniques used in the production of the Renault building vary from ancient (cast iron/steel moulded), through First Machine Age (rolled steel and glass) to Second Machine Age (computerised steel cutters and computer-aided structural design), but they all serve the same basic purpose in producing special components to very particular specifications for a very special building."
The industrialised techniques of the later 1960s in the United Kingdom supported variations to residential schemes generated from factory-made components. Houses assembled from components into various shapes and forms, which suited different locations. This was adopted by the Yorkshire Development Group (YDG). Component ‘interchangeability’ was applied to suit the designs of a variety of sites. Similarly the National Building Agency (NBA) devised a series of generic house plans for one, two and three storied houses which could be assembled from factory-made components.
Batch production is a flexible system which supplies components and could be responsive to regional development projects. Through this approach, architecture could be orientated towards sustaining local culture, social pattern, and environment. The system would provide self-sufficiency to local industrial sectors, bringing an alternative solution to industrialised housing.
1.6 The potential of rain forest housing development
Batch production encourages local industry to manufacture products from surrounding materials for local needs. It decentralises industry into the local context. Decentralised industry has the ability to recreate regional identity through traditional patterns. This possibility has already been analysed by Lim, author of The Malay House, who described the potential for contemporary development in the context of the indigenous pattern. Even though, at a closer look, the prototype typifies a sophisticated prefabricated building system, its construction is simple and uses batch components. The method underlines an alternative possibility for integrating traditional patterns with techniques. This decentralised industry is able to offer efficient design and construction at economic cost. Bookchin says:
"Culture and the human psyche at last will be thoroughly suffused by a new animism. The region will never be exploited, but it will be used as fully as possible. Every attempt will be made by the community to satisfy its requirements locally - to use the region’s energy resources, minerals, timber, soil, water, animals, and plants as rationally and humanistically as possible and without violating ecological principles. In this connection, we can foresee that the community will employ new techniques that are still being developed today, many of which lend themselves superbly to a regionally based approach."
Where local industry exists, it will be able to supply custom-made products at a price which is synchronised with the principles of a financial system that has been passed from generation to generation. Traditional construction uses local materials and the possibility underlies a new challenge to regionalists to blend the existing system with modern materials, techniques, construction methods, and innovative designs. Lim reminds that:
"In industrialising the house, however, concrete steps must be taken to ensure that the housing control by users, the housing flexibility and other positive aspects of the traditional Malay house will not be destroyed."
The system needs a social mechanism. Participation is stimulated through control and feedback by users and builders. The practice thus secures not only environmental aspects; responses to the climate, surrounding and ecology, but also cultural, social and financial traditions. The potential is confounded, because the local timber industry is targeted to supply processed hardwood for overseas, not for local development.
Development, however, cannot be successful by simply copying a prototype of the traditional house because the existing prototype is obsolete in a contemporary context. The regionalist approach, as mentioned earlier, is not a development of architecture which symbolises a lost vernacular; it must adhere to the context of contemporary technology, tropical adaptation and cultural responses. The traditional house, however, can be utilised as a springboard for research. Lim says:
"The important lesson here is that the strong identity in any house form or architecture is derived from its reflection of the values and culture of the society. ….. The system can be developed both for the urban and the rural areas. In the urban areas, however, certain design modifications may be necessary to cater for higher housing densities, increased security and other living requirements in the urban environment. In the rural areas, little design modification is needed."
Part 2 - Quiz for week 4/ Kuliah 3
(a) House variationsHousing developers believe mass-produced construction is best because it is easier to build within the housing regulations at minimal cost. The approach of Walter Segal, however, suggests a series of contemporary house variations which are compatible with prefabricated construction at a lower cost. Segal’s components are standard factory-made products used in their original sizes. These batch-produced materials can be used in various house sizes and shapes. He argues:
"The original intention of using material uncut was simply to be able to resell the components after use."
Early traditional houseform
Timber types:
1. Metaling - girder, column & cross-beam.
2. Serai - girder, cross-bar, beam & wall frame.
3. Naga - cross-ridge & ridge.
4. Merbau - column, beam & stair.
5. Cengal - column & beam.
6. Kulim - cross-ridge, ridge, column & ridge frame.
7. Bakau Kurap - column, beam, cross-bar & ridge.
8. Bakau Minyak - column, cross-bar & beam.
9. Lengadai - column.
Bamboo types:
1. Lentik/Kasap - floor, wall, & ridge frame.
2. Temi - floor & wall.
3. Akar - floor & wall.
4. Senaian - floor & wall.
5. Ho - girder, column & beam.
6. Beting - column, girder, beam & cross-beam.
7. Pelan - floor & wall
8. Minyak - floor, wall, girder, beam & cross-bar.
Other materials:
1. Pinang trunk - floor, wall, column, wall frame, cross ridge & jeria.
2. Bayas - floor, column, girder, beam, ridge, cross-bar and stair.
Figure 8 Construction materials of traditional house.
Design variation based on the assembly of uncut batch-produced materials is a major contribution to the arrangement. The review by Segal of ‘Metric Housing’ by the National Building Agency (NBA) in the United Kingdom recommends an almost unlimited range of possibilities. The system can be adapted to 140 variations of plan using a module of 300 mm as the basic dimensional increment.
The builders can buy the modular materials and assemble them uncut because the design of the house is based on the same module. Fewer labourers are needed for construction as fewer components need cutting on site. The construction process becomes cheaper and reduces time. The system makes it possible for ordinary people, to construct, reconstruct and alter their own houses.
The present codes and regulations in Malaysia do not permit house additions without permission from the local authority. This type of centralisation favours wealthy families but it has made the process complicated for middle and low income groups. Turner describes the advantages of the modern regulations as the control of housing development and prevention of urban sprawl. The system, however, has made it ‘minimally feasible’ for the poor to have house additions. The regulations should provide opportunity rather than restriction in order to "encourage the discovery of new solutions without endangering people’s safety and health, so that social and economic performance standards could liberate us from the tyranny of socio-economic homogenisation".
Traditional patterns offer a variation of house size for all income groups while the grouping arrangements encourage social interaction. Various house sizes are located in one group incorporating all income levels. The size of the house accords to the owner’s means and avoids segregation of income levels.
(b) House additions
Most traditional houses accommodate the process of addition. It is the nature of traditional construction that house size is limited relative to a carpenter’s capability and the natural size of the timbers used for construction. House size increases through an additive process. The layout of Maziah palace and section of Balai Besar palace exemplify this model. The palaces have many additions to the core house.
The distance of each traditional house from one another is flexible, from nothing to the normal length of a room (10 feet or 3 metres), to provide for a house addition. there are six types of house addition: ‘selang’, ‘lepau’, ‘gajah menyusu’, parallel, courtyard and ‘minangkabau’. Figure 14 shows these types of house addition.
The adoption of traditional patterns in new housing development in Peninsular Malaysia will promote house addition. Residents who live in a small house cannot make an addition if their neighbours do not want to sell or rent part of their house. However, they can sell or rent their house to their neighbour for a house addition or to someone else. They can then buy a larger house in a newly built residential area.
Those who live in a large house can reduce the size by selling or renting out their additions. They do this when their house is too big for their needs. Residents who sell or rent the house addition can simply disconnect it by removing elements such as walls or bridge ways, while those who buy or rent the addition can easily connect the addition to their house. This buying, renting and selling occurs by mutual agreement, which will work better when the government is involved, by increasing choice, and by locating residents near to family and friends.
In the United Kingdom, a series of house prototypes were designed by Martin Richardson in the early 1980s for timber frame house builder ‘Guildway’. The prototypes were intended to increase choice within a mass-produced housing industry. Edwards argues:
"The Guildway system tries to fit the house to the needs of the family rather than asking the family to adapt to a limited range of off-the shelf houses. ….. Normally the close and sympathetic meeting of these needs demands a tailor-made house. ….. At the same time it is able to exploit factory production to produce considerable savings in money and time and to ensure better overall quality control."
The traditional addition, built from lightweight materials, offers more variation and flexibility. The argument is supported by the work of Walter Segal.
(c) Grouping pattern
The traditional Malay house is a detached house form. A group of detached houses at Putra Jaya are integrated as a group according to the housing codes and regulations of a linear pattern. As a result, the average density is 17.4 units per hectare which is comparatively low by normal standards of the country’s planning (25 to 50 units per hectare).
The study by the National Housing Department, Malaysia in 1992 proved that although the grouping pattern of detached housing is based on housing codes and regulations, it can provide more units per hectare at lower construction costs than a linear design when each detached house accommodates 4 separate units. The investigation was based on a comparison between existing terraced houses and an experimental grouping of detached houses on the same site.
TERRACE/WESTERN(Built in 1987) GROUPING/REGIONAL
PATTERN
Terrace/barrack/regimented system Grouping system
HOUSE SIZE
One storey houses Two storeys houses
3 bedrooms 3 bedrooms
1 bathroom & 1 toilet 2 bathrooms & 3 toilets
Floor area = 69 metre/square Floor area = 107.9 metre/square
RESIDENTIAL DENSITY
Density = 26 units/hectare Density = 31 units/hectare
126 people/hectare 147 people/hectare
LANDUSE
Total houses area = 36.2% Total houses area = 29.6%
Public amenities and Public amenities and
commercial areas = 8.5% commercial areas = 1.8%
Infrastructure = 41.6% Infrastructure = 26.2%
Green areas = 13.7% Green areas = 42.5%
COST(Based on 1987)
Infrastructure = RM$ 678,086.00 Infrastructure = RM$ 552,466.80
(UK£ 118,962.00) (UK£ 96,924)
Cost per unit = RM$ 14,328.00 Cost per unit = RM$ 22,774.00
(UK£ 2513.68) (UK£ 3995.44)
Cost/metre square = RM$ 241.20) Cost/metre square = RM$ 210.87
(UK£ 42.32) (UK£ 36.99)
Cost/feet square = RM$ 22.54 Cost/feet square = RM$ 19.71
(UK£ 3.95) (UK£ 3.46)
Note: UK£ 1.00 = RM$ 5.70 (Oct. 1997)
Figure 19 Research and Design Division, National Housing Department (NHD): Comparative study between the terraced and grouping residential pattern.
The existing terraced housing is single storey with 3 bedrooms, 1 bathroom and toilet, and the total floor area is 69 square metres. Each detached house has 4 separate units, each with two storeys, 3 bedrooms, 2 bathrooms and 3 toilets. The total floor is larger at 107.9 square metres. The total area of the site is 7.3 hectares. The most interesting result of the investigation was that 31 grouped units could occupy one hectare compared to 26 units per hectare for the existing terraced house.
The experiment also investigated the comparative cost and found the cost of one terraced house to be almost half (RM$14,328.00) that of one grouped house (RM$ 22,774.00). The grouped house, however, has a larger area. When the comparison was made on cost per square metre, the grouped house came out cheaper at RM$210.87 compared to the terraced house at RM$241.20.
The traditional fishing village at Weld Quay, Penang, shows that traditional Malay houses can be built at a higher density if the grouping pattern does not follow the codes and regulations. This is one of the best preserved examples of high density detached housing at 20 units per acre or 49.5 units per hectare. The experiment by the National Housing Department based on 4 units in each detached house is therefore relevant, only as a way to find a physical solution to cope with housing codes and regulations which have limited traditional practices and social traditions. The better solution is the search for more flexible codes and regulations, designed to encourage the use of traditional housing patterns.
(d) Lightweight prefabricated house components
The early builders had adopted their own ‘standard measurement’ of dimensions for house components. These measurements are not uniform since there is a slight variation depending on the individual builder. Since timber is the primary material, the sizes of the components result from readily available timber sizes. All components are assembled on site. The early traditional house was a basic hut. The primary structure was of tree trunks while the walls were covered with bamboo and small logs. The logs were planed to allow for contraction when the connections were tied with rattan or tree roots. The roof was an inverted 'V' shape and coconut leaves were used for the cladding. Later local builders constructed houses with a long roof which they introduced in parallel with the use of more elaborate tools: saw, chisel, dredger and plane. These tools helped the builder to shape the timbers to various sizes depending on their function. The components have slight variations from one region to another. The difference gives identity to the house styles of Southeast Asia but the principles remain the same.
In colonial times, builders constructed ‘limas’ roofs which reflected the influence of the Dutch. The roof was supported by five ridges. Even though the builders integrated this roof style, they did not change the traditional concept. The local builders have vast experience of producing all types of components to the required dimensions. They also have to ensure that they produce sufficient components. The production of identical components is customised by hand, at the same time, similar to contemporary batch production.
The concept of assembled components can thus be applied to the housing industry. Instead of being produced manually by traditional builders, the components can be fabricated at the factory. These batch-produced materials will help to cope with the demands of the housing industry. The positive aspect of batch-produced components is that they are available at reasonable prices according to individual requirements.
The Segal timber skihouse in Fideris, Switzerland is evidence of a house raised from the ground, releasing the living areas from winter snow and cold. The house on stilts is also common to the traditional house in the Alps for similar solutions with different reasons as in Peninsular Malaysia.
The stilts concept maximises ground functions. The free ground can become a private area, it can be used for private parking, playground, storage and garden. Utilising the ground space for gardening is one of the suggestions to improve the surrounding environmental quality. Grubb et al relative to Agenda 21 of the Rio Summit said, "Preventive measures should be adopted with the overall aim to increase the vegetation cover of the land …."
The free ground also provides flexibility for utility services: water pipes, telephone lines, electric cables, sewerage pipes and drainage. The suspended floors encourage ventilation; the gaps between the floor boards allow cooler air to rise from the shade below into the house. Original floor gaps were simple, but can be improved to provide better privacy (See figure 27).
Traditionally, villages were self-sufficient in term of resources and food. Direct use of the surroundings relates to the concept of autonomy which has been proposed by eco-practitioners who have devised new autonomous technologies. Vale says:
"The autonomous house on its site is defined as a house operating independently of any inputs except those of its immediate environment. The house is not linked to the mains services of gas, water, electricity or drainage, but instead uses the income-energy sources of sun, wind and rain to service itself and process its own wastes. ...... The autonomous house uses the life-giving properties of the Earth but in so doing provides an environments for the occupants without interfering with or altering these properties."
According to Vale, the generation of electricity from solar energy so far is not economic in temperate climates where most of the energy is used for the heating system. The situation, however, is different in the tropics. No electricity is needed for the heating system, it is only used for lighting, television, radio and kitchen appliances. The amount of electricity needed is relatively small.
The country has a heavy annual rainfall. Rain water can be stored in tanks and passed through a process of purification before it is available for domestic use. Waste can be processed in a septic tank before it is drained into the ground, reducing water pollution in the rivers. The purified waste can be collected and used for agriculture or gardening. These proposals are a response to Agenda 21 of the Rio Summit where the emphasis is to tackle environmental pollution so that all countries will be capable of minimising waste through recycling and management by the year 2000.
6.2 Practice
6.2.1 The search for ‘Malaysianisation’
By the late 1960s, there had been many radical changes to architectural development in Malaysia. The search for the newly independent country’s identity demanded the utmost attention among architects. Balfour said, "One hundred years and more of imposed and quite alien reality would make the task of establishing the cultural voice of Malaysia after British rule more complex than freeing Finnish culture from the dominance of Russia." The search for ‘Malaysianisation’ was critical in the late 1980s in the changes which focused the interest of architects towards regional development. Among the architects who have reconciled their practices to a regional approach are Ken Yeang and Jimmy C. S. Lim.
2.2 Local architects
(a) Ken Yeang: Tropical urban garden city revisited
Yeang’s model of how cities in the tropics should be built is derived from two themes. The first is a ‘bio-climatic’ approach in which ‘low-energy’ consumption is the basic goal of successful eco-development in the region. The other theme is based on a tropical urban garden as an image of cities. Yeang writes:
"The architecture of the shelter evolved into diverse solutions to meet the challenges of widely varying climates, indicating that the ancients recognised regional climatic adaptation as an essential principle of architecture."
The bio-climatic strategy adopts built form devices such as openings, filters, shading structures and sloping roofs which are utilised to cope with tropical contexts where cool breezes, cross ventilation, shade, and indirect sunlight are necessary. The city is planned in a loose formation which creates openness and unobstructed spaces to allow wind flow across the city. Yeang says:
"Wherever possible, the spaces are not totally enclosed, but are naturally ventilated."
Climatic filtering devices also play an important role: fins, overhangs, trellises, pergolas, grills and louvers are among the additional elements used to filter direct sunlight and rain. Pedestrian walkways and public spaces are enclosed or semi-enclosed, some with projecting roofs as the facilities protect the public. All building construction must utilise ‘non-heat absorbing’ and ‘well ventilated’ materials, light in colour, in order to avoid glare and to make the interior brighter. The use of natural materials will reduce energy consumption in contrast to other methods. Planning in this way will avoid the tendency of a city to become a heat island.
Cities feature the concept of tropical urban gardens. Yeang said, "The landscaping and buildings are not regarded as separate elements, but are integrated at all levels." Existing elements of the site are fundamentally important. They counter balance environmental problems and must not be replaced by the artificial or man-made objects. Existing hills, valleys and lakes for example are among the elements that express the image of a garden city and create a cool environment. In addition, artificial landscapes such as pools, channels and planted trees will help the environment become fresher and healthier. At the same time planting shelters people from excessive sunlight, glare, rainfall and wind. Yeang’s approach provides a reasonably economic prospect to the city’s administrators and the residents because it lessens operational and maintenance costs.
This proposal theoretically involves areas at the inner cities, where commercial, public and government buildings are located, not for the residential areas. The reason is that Yeang is an architect whose works are mostly dealing with commercial and office buildings. His idea, physical adjustment to the tropical context, has influenced the government planning; however, it gives little concern with social responses based on the existing tradition.
(b) Jimmy Lim: Eu House
Powell classifies the Eu house as a transformation from vernacular to contemporary. The quality of the drama which Lim attempted to address received its reward when the house was chosen for the 1989 PAM (Malaysian Institute of Architecture) award in the category of residential houses.
The location of the site is challenging - the land drops away precipitously, Lim views this as advantageous to traditional design to prove that indigenous applications and techniques can be built and are safe. The house is constructed on four storeys cascading down the slope. The orientation is southeast to northwest with the entrance facing south east for feng-shui purposes.
Due to the steep slope, the second level is the main entry floor from the street. The grid determines the design and structure. The main house is divided into four sections based on repetition of the timber columns. The first two sections from the entry are family areas.
The last two sections are public spaces under the ‘vast umbrella’ roof which is built into the hill. The living area is on the first floor underneath the roof trusses. Tan described two functions of the central staircase which serves as a pivotal support for the circular roof, and as public entry and circulation to the living room. Visitors can only use the staircase to go down to the ground floor where the guest room is located or to go up to the hallway.
The guest room is intentionally built separate from the house so that there will be no confusion between family and guests. Through this transition of private and public, the privacy of the family is secured. Despite the division, both the visitors and family share space dominated by vines, shrubs and trees.
Lim uses a very deep open roof, overhangs, maximum wall openings, timber structure and an elevated floor with plants underneath. The roof functions as a vast overhang, giving shade and cross ventilation to the interior. Lim says:
"In Malaysia we have plenty of sun, so I keep the sun out. We have a lot of rain, so I attempt to keep the rain out."
The projected roof provides a veranda space which is normally used as a communal semi-public area, a meeting place between the visitors and residents. The traditional Malay house has for generations had a veranda at the front or entrance of the house, customised for social integration. Lim designed the umbrella at the opposite side because it responded to the natural topography with optimum wind down the slope and views to the valley. The project, however, shows few responses to the social tradition because the Eu house represents ‘the house for the rich’, built in segregated areas resided by high income group with fences and security gates, dominating the surrounding.
6.2.3 The obstacles
(a) Imported ideas
Survival in the rain forest is in a process of erosion since its status has been altered by codes and regulation from the west which provide limited social satisfaction and do not recognise the inherited traditions of carpenters, craftsmen, roof-weavers and wood-carvers.
Architects and urban planners have exploited the regulations and their adoption has entrusted housing development to white-collar technocrats who have little experience and background knowledge of the social tradition. They are naturally city dwellers, raised in the urban environments of Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Penang, and often study abroad. Lim says:
"The tendency of the industrialised system to develop only the physical aspects of the house may also cause the loss of other socio-cultural characteristics attached to the house. House-building as an important part of community-building in the village may become a thing of the past if the prototype is built by contractors without any involvement of the user and the other villagers."
A large number of local architects and planners, the majority graduates of universities in the United Kingdom, the United States, Australia and New Zealand, have contributed their services to the housing industry. Murray estimated that more than half of the practising architects in the 1980s were graduates from architecture schools in the United Kingdom.
These architects come from wealthy families in the city and can afford to pursue a course of study abroad to receive a better education. They have minimal interaction with the indigenous knowledge and tradition. Abel argues:
"Since I left England in 1978 to work abroad, I have had full opportunity to witness just how widespread have been the effects of this break between architects and their historical heritage, most of all in developing countries. .…. Since most of the new breed of professional architects from the South completed their architectural education wholly or partly in the North, they were easily persuaded to believe that such ‘futuristic’ schemes provided the proper model for their own new architecture. ….. and wishing to be no less ‘advanced’ at home, return to their own lands to imitate, if only in part or on a lesser scale, the same ideas. If they become teachers of architecture, they invariably pass on their imported ideas to their students, who in turn will learn to ignore their own regional heritage in favour of the alien models. This has been very much the situation in schools of architecture in Malaysia …..."6.
In addition, the policy has halted flexibility in the development of traditional housing which for generations has suited all economic classes. Centralisation has made it impossible to make house additions to the ‘core house’. In fact, the policy has given rise to the housing crisis of the nation. The poor pose the greatest financial burden when ‘the addition system’ offered by the informal traditional pattern becomes illegal because it does not conform to regulations. Turner finds that half to three-quarters of all residential development in cities world-wide is built, not by the institutional agencies, but by the poor. Lim concurs:
"Instead of imposing by-laws, rigid middle-class standards and bureaucratic procedures which hinder and restrict the building of houses by the poor using self-help, mutual-help and informal housing approaches, the government should take positive steps to encourage and develop the potential resources of the poor and informal sector to create housing for themselves. The importance of their contribution cannot be denied since most of the housing stock in the world today, especially in the Third World, was not created by architects, governments, and technocrats but by the people themselves."
The traditional grouping is not acceptable under modern regulations. The authorities will reject a scheme because it does not meet accepted bye-laws. The law has increased the acute housing shortage in the country. The low income groups find the cost of buying or renting a legal house beyond their means.
They consequently pose another problem by becoming squatters in illegal property, with standards which expose them to an unhealthy environment; even though by this means the poor obtain better social satisfaction because they carry their traditional values into urban life. Only wealthy people have a chance, if they wish, to build a house which symbolises cultural influence in the city. The design incurs huge costs, therefore the design becomes a symbol of the rich and of power. Fathy argues:
"Tradition among the peasants is the only safeguard of their culture. If they run off the rails of tradition they will inevitably meet disaster."
(b) Heritage tourism
Tourism has become a primary industry and has an overpowering effect on design as a symbol of the cultural heritage. The objective is to attract as many tourists as possible to the country. A building based on traditional patterns becomes a tourist attraction. Its design is exempted from following the codes and regulations which are imposed on housing development. Tan argues:
"Architects are all flocking to Bali - to see neither the majestic temple complexes nor the traditional village dwellings - but instead to visit the most recently completed resorts built in an authentic traditional style for the elite."
Traditional design becomes the model for tourist resorts and hotels. The purpose is to create an environment of the past for tourists. Rantau Abang Visitor’s Centre, for example, received the 1983 Aga Khan Award due to the quality of the design which encompasses optimum level of design on the social, cultural and environmental aspects which symbolise the existing tradition.
Reverting to traditional values leads to profit-making. Tourists are offered traditional attractions, presenting the experience of the past which is not available in other parts of the world. Tanjung Jara Beach Hotel (Malaysia), Club Med Cherating (Malaysia), Mertasari Visitor Parks (Indonesia) and Hotel at Amanpuri (Thailand) are examples which show the potential of traditional design if it is integrated into housing development.
Tourists visit to experience and celebrate the cultural heritage. The resort is a symbol of excessive influence, a place which offers luxurious living to rich tourists and visitors. The practice ignores and segregates the poor who are not the targeted consumers. For tourism purposes, tradition becomes a priority but when the nation has to provide residential development, it turns to modernity.
Mass Production Housing Development
The residential areas of the centre are divided into 5 sections. Each section is to have 4,050 housing units. The perimeter has 10 residential areas. Each section is planned to have 3,100 units. The designated average density of the residential areas on the perimeter is relatively low at 17.4 units per hectare (7 units per acre). The centre has a slightly higher density because the land cost is greater.
There are two different house forms built in Putra Jaya: grouping detached houses and mid-rise blocks. The concept of housing layout is grouping pattern which attempts to imitate the traditional village. A series of house plots is arranged in groups but the design and house form are strictly in accordance with the modern codes and regulations. At least, the design of Putra Jaya portrays a new image for the 21st century Malaysian new town integrating elements of tradition.
Terraced house type
Terraced housing is typical of the modern housing industry. The terraced house is built on a rectangular plot. The frontage forms the narrow section of the plot. The house form is popular because it is most relevant complying with the adopted Western codes and regulations. The terraced house is low-rise but it can be built at a very high density in a regimented layout. About 40 units can be built on one hectare area. The dilapidated houses in squatter areas are to the same density but, they are not able to meet the minimum levels of safety and health. The development of terraced housing is encouraging. Figure 2.23 shows that there were about 456,7000 terraced houses in 1980, but by 1991 the number had grown to 1,074,000, representing 27 per cent of the dwellings in Malaysia. The number increased dramatically in urban areas where about 40 per cent of the total were terraced in 1991. Thus, the terraced house represents the most common housing type in urban areas.2. According to C. C. Wong, writing in Majalah Akitek in 1984, the terraced house has been a new house type in Malaysia introduced since 1980 as a result of a rapid economic growth. The adopted housing codes and regulations in the 1980s had few changes to that of their original introduced by the British before the country got the independence. He adds:
"In spite of their myriad appearance, these housing estates have essentially the same layout. Rows and rows of identical houses on 80 feet by 20 feet (24 metres by 6 metres) plots line the 40 feet (12 metres) to 50 feet (15 metres) road in conformity with the antiquated and restrictive planning laws. The pace of development was rapid and there was no time to draft a set of more flexible bye-laws. Even the 20 feet (6 metres) backlane, already outlived its usefulness with the introduction of modern sanitation and fire control, is a still a standard requirement for in nearly all the local authorities - never mind how much its costs to maintain. The most noticeable characteristic of this new form of settlement is the absence of meaningful spaces."2.
High- and mid-rise apartment complexes
The development of high- and mid-rise apartment complexes, in contrast to the terraced house, is less popular in Malaysia. They are primarily concentrated in the inner city of Kuala Lumpur because the natural hilly topography provides limited land. According to the 1990 Housing Census carried out by the Department of Statistics Malaysia, apartments account for only 13 per cent of the total housing units in Malaysia, and only 1 per cent are built in rural areas.2. Thum argues:
"Due to cultural reasons, these flats were not favourable amongst the target market group consisting mainly the Malays." 2.
High- and mid-rise housing is also not popular because the country, unlike Singapore, has a relatively low population density. In 1996, Singapore had about 4,870 persons per square kilometre while Malaysia had only 64 persons per square kilometre. According to another survey, Singapore’s settlement density in 1993 was quite high: 4,323 persons per square kilometre. This is ‘more than double New York, London and Amsterdam’, and ‘one of the highest in the world’.2. The city became a place of attraction because it can offer work opportunity with a high standard of living.
In order to tackle the problems in Singapore, HDB (Housing and Development Board) was entrusted with replanning the city. In its earliest days, HDB found that limited land resources became the most challenging task. According to Wong and Yeh, Singapore has a total land area of 620 square kilometres, The remaining of 49 square kilometres consists of 57 off-shore islands which are not suitable for housing.
HDB’s residential site planning is also constrained by land distribution policy. "Not all the non-urbanised areas can be developed because forest reserves, open spaces, military establishments, quarries and certain water catchment areas are equally essential to the well-being of the nation."2. The concept of high-density housing has therefore influenced HDB’s residential designs.
The building codes and regulations (1988)
The building codes and city regulations are the most influential factors favouring the development of terraced housing. Their application is to ensure legal housing at the minimum standard required for the safety and health of the residents. The terraced house is most easily applied to suit the codes and regulations. These, based on 1988 version, are summarised below:
(A) Residential housing
 | One or two storey house |
(i) 6 metres (20 feet): The distance of the front wall and side wall of the house from the street edge.
(ii) 2 metres (6.5 feet): The distance of the end house wall from other plot borders.
(iii) 4 metres (13 feet): The distance of the end house wall from other houses excepted houses located on the same plot.
| Minimum size for the house plot |
(i) The minimum width for high-cost house types
(1) Terraced: 6 metres (20 feet) intermediate.
(ii) The minimum width for medium-cost house types
(1) Terraced (two storey): 4.9 metres (16 feet) intermediate.
(iii) The minimum width for low-cost house types
(iv) No minimum or maximum length of the house plot.
(v) Terraced/high-rise houses must not exceed 16 units per block.
| Maximum height of the house |
(i) All residential houses excepted flats, condominium and apartments must not exceed two storeys.
(ii) However, houses located on slopes may be built more than two storeys high as long as the additional floor is lower than or the same height as the original part which must not exceed two storeys.
(iii) The height of the house also depends on other factors such as micro waves, aviation routes, local environmental conservation, etc., already approved by the local planning authority.
| Street and road in residential area |
(i) ‘Cul-de-sac’
(ii) Pedestrian walkway
(B) Recreation area
| Minimum requirement |
Every residential area must have vacant areas for recreational, sporting and environmental purposes as the follows:
(i) 10 per cent of the gross development area
Ten per cent of the gross development area must be open space. Thirty per cent of this open space must consist of:
(C) Parking spaces
| Housing |
The adopted regulations are derived from building and planning systems in the West. The British introduced the system during colonial times. After Independence, local authorities have continued to use the same regulations and do few changes, and made them compulsory throughout Malaysia.
So far there is no regional system which appears to be better. Lack of research due to insufficient funding is one of the main reasons. Meanwhile, the urgent need for rapid development has ignored research. The aim to achieve Vision 2020 is another factor which places emphasis and concentrates energy on national development. Research thus becomes secondary.
Another reason is that the nation has an acute housing shortage. Most of the budget is allocated to the decentralised programme, to house the low income families from squatter areas in modern estates. The modern system is universal; the codes and specifications have confounded the traditional model. Rapoport says:
"There is a danger in applying Western concepts, which represent only one choice among the many possible, to the problems of other areas, instead of looking at them in terms of local way of life, specific needs, and ways of doing things."2.
Wong noted that the adopted zoning concept has segregated the population according to their income group. The concept has alienated the traditional pattern. He argues:
"Tremendous effort was put into the last 20 years. Yet housing need is far from being satisfied. ..... The Malay houses are also vanishing and the pool of skilled craftsmen dwindling. With their demise, a great heritage would be lost. ........ We should amend and liberalise our planning and building laws. These bye-laws, the panic response of the English to the onward march of the Industrial Revolution and a legacy of the Colonial Administration, effectively prelude any innovative form of housing."2.
The federal government has taken some steps to control development and to recognise environmental control. There are many indicatives of government interest in sustainable development. According to Dr. Lim Keng Yaik, the Minister of Primary Industries, Malaysia has a total area of 32.86 million hectares. Of this, 19.35 million hectares (58.9 per cent) are forest, and 4.2 million hectares (12.8 per cent) are occupied by agriculture. The government has issued the Forestry department to maintain 4.63 million hectares (24 per cent) for protected areas such as national parks, wildlife and bird sanctuaries.2. The MSC programme is evidence of government interest in the development of multimedia industries which cause less pollution. However, Murray notes:
"The general impression one receives of architecture in Malaysia is not encouraging. The massive rate of building and the lack of manpower to carry out good detailed design is reminiscent of the 50s and 60s in Britain when too much was built too quickly with too little concern for quality. It is a shame that, as in so many developing countries, they are all too ready to copy our mistakes rather than learn from them."2.